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The National Climate Assessment (NCA) has long been touted as the cornerstone of the federal government’s climate agenda, a huge property designed to guide policies and inform the public of the dangers of warming the world. But, according to climate scientist Patrick Brown of the Breakthrough Institute, the NCA is not a beacon of scientific rigor, but a megaphone for partisan alerts. In recent articles Breakthrough Magazine (Spring 2024, Issue 20), Brown made five practical suggestions for a comprehensive overhaul aimed at making it a tool of real understanding, rather than a politically mobilized Kudger. For our readers, his criticism hits familiar notes – exposed to prejudice and hype in the flagship reports of climate agencies while providing a path to something more reliable.
Brown’s starting point is a simple fact: the NCA’s position is a one-sided thing. Appointed by the US Global Change Research Program, published every few years, is a document that reflects the priorities of those in power – ultimately, it’s Democrats who long for apocalyptic rhetoric. But Brown’s idea can’t be better as a new administration approaches and skeptics increasingly question climate orthodoxy. Here is a summary of his five fixes and why they are important to anyone who is tired of a climate doomsday diet.
1. Including exposure and vulnerability, not just physical harm
NCA likes to focus on “climatic hazards” – plants, heat waves, wildfires, just like they are just egg spawns with rising carbon dioxide levels. Brown calls it myopia. The real assessment of risks is not just about mediating weather events; IT factors exposure (How many people or assets are there in a hazardous way) and Fragility (How they can deal with it). Think about it: A hurricane hit the sparsely populated coast in 1900, not the same as the one that crashed into Miami today. Population growth, urban sprawl and shoddy infrastructure often makes the cost of disasters far exceeding several levels of warming. By ignoring these, NCA expands the role of climate and avoids the chaotic reality of human decision-making.
It's a effortless atmosphere for skeptics – a stagnant, accusing bad zoning laws.
2. Analyze the total risk, not just the “extra” risk of climate change
This is where NCA tunnel vision becomes ridiculous. It is fixed on the “extra” risks faced by climate change, as if the baseline risk of nature’s tantrums doesn’t matter. Brown gives an example: If heat-related deaths generally decline (due to air conditioning and better health care), but climate change will lower them slightly, the NCA screams while burying the bigger story of progress. This cherry picking narrative is that every issue is a climate issue, even the data. Readers here know the game – dedicated delta, hidden trends. Brown hopes NCA shows the big picture: total risk, not just climate boogeyman.
3. Address publication bias
NCA tends to be peer-reviewed research, which sounds great until you realize that the academic machine leans the paper to a dramatic discovery. Brown points to “publishing bias” – journals tend to show a large, terrible climate impact on research trends that have impacted on people who find little or no. One paper says “Warming may not hurt corn yield” without the same love as those who predicted famine. This distorts the NCA's conclusions and makes climate change look like a ruthless swordsman. Brown's Repair? Force the NCA to explicitly fight this bias – and maybe even find out the research that is ignored. For those who have long doubted science to fit the narrative, this is a welcome poke like a dentifri.
4. Focus on descriptions, not mobilization
The NCA is not shy about its agenda, but a report, calling for weapons, urgently dripping “act now” on emissions. Brown believes the activist tends to undermine his credibility. What should science describe yesnot preaching us should Do. When the NCA doubled its policy cheerleader, it alienated half of the country, especially those who view climate action as a large government or a Trojan horse in economic turmoil. Brown hopes it sticks to the fact: what happened, how certain we are, what is the scope of the outcome? There is no crying at the gathering, no inner gui. It was a refreshing nod to the objectivity of the debate on drowning in propaganda.
5. Establishing a “Red Team” review process
Perhaps Brown’s boldest idea was the comment from the “Red Team”, a formal challenge to the NCA’s conclusions by an independent team of experts. Think of it as a scientific audit, poke a vulnerability in assumptions and test the robustness of the claim. The climate agency hates the concept (remember the objection of Scott Pruitt’s EPA proposal?), but if you value transparency, it’s hard to object. The Red Team may reveal weak attractions (such as exaggerated models or crafty attributions) and force the NCA to justify itself. For skeptics, this is the Holy Grail: the opportunity to break the echo chamber and give opposing voice breathing.
Why it matters
Brown’s reforms are not about doubting climate change, because he is a believer, perhaps lukewarm, but about making the NCA a document that both sides can trust. Currently, it is a partisan football, and when they are in charge, they are fueled by progressives, and the swing is ignored or removed by conservatives when swinging. As Trump returns to the White House, Duger looks at the budget axe, the NCA's future is shaky. Brown’s vision may save it from irrelevant or deletion by rooting it ideologically.
This criticism coincides with what we have said over the years: climate narratives go beyond, oversimplified and politicized. Brown didn't throw the NCA away – he tried to save it from his surplus. Whether the climate elite will listen is another story. They invest a lot of money in Doom Train – careers, grants, ethical advantages. But if the NCA keeps selling half-truth, it will only deepen the gap between the alarmist and the rest of us who just want direct answers.
Check out Brown’s full work here at Breakthrough Academy. This is a rare case of climate insiders calling their own nonsense.
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